Politics in German
Learn about the basic concepts of Politics in German with this handy guide. You'll learn about the Alternative for Germany (AfD), CDU/CSU, SPD, and Die Linke. And you'll know who to avoid! It's easier to get started than you may think! We'll discuss the main parties and what they stand for. And you'll discover how they interact with other political institutions, too.
Alternative for Germany (AfD)
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) is a right-wing populist political party in Germany. It stands firmly against the European Union and opposition to immigration to Germany. The party is considered far-right and radical. This article explores the group's political positions and key policies. This article also examines the party's platform and history. We hope you'll find it interesting. But first, a brief overview.
The party has focused heavily on immigration as a campaign issue. The AfD made the issue its central focus, and its members maintained contact with the anti-immigration Pegida movement, which staged weekly marches against Islamisation of the West. Although AfD's biggest electoral successes are in the eastern part of the country, it is not there that the largest concentrations of immigrants live. The party also adopted the anti-establish rhetoric of the Pegida movement, such as "Lugenpresse" (Lugenpresse) - a German term used by the Nazis.
AfD did not start out as a radical right party. In fact, it combined soft euroscepticism with economic liberalism and socially conservative policies. AfD's leadership was originally composed of disgruntled German elites. Its strategy of avoiding association with radical right parties in other European countries and traditional German right-wing extremism made it easy for the party to enter the mainstream media and win subnational political representation in state-level elections.
The CDU/CSU political system has its roots in the Catholic Centre Party, which was formed in 1870. The CDU stands for conservative social values, a social market economy, and European integration. Its support is centered in Catholic areas of the south and west. Its rival, the CSU, was founded in 1945 and is led by Markus Soder. Its views are more conservative than the CDU. The Greens were formed in 1993 after the merger of the western Green Party with the eastern German Alliance '90.
The CDU/CSU has an organizational structure that evolved from a loose coalition of local groups. Originally, the CDU was a weak national party, whose main purpose was to complement the Land party organizations. But as it expanded, the CDU built up its national organization to compete with the SPD. In turn, membership increased. Today, the CDU has a Federal Executive, which consists of sixty individuals. This includes the party chair, several deputy chairs, the general secretary, the treasurer, and the party's main legislative representatives.
One of the oldest political parties in Germany, the Social Democratic Party (SPD) supports modernizing the economy and addressing the social needs of workers and the poor. Today, SPD's platform focuses on achieving a balanced society while remaining committed to its traditional socialist tenets. In the past, SPD had been the minority party in Germany's parliamentary system. Since then, however, SPD has taken a more progressive stance, and in recent years, it has been gaining ground in the German parliament.
The SPD's long history has helped them achieve their goals. The party has developed an impressive organizational apparatus, has disciplined rank and file, and a strong desire to rule. Until recently, the SPD was only the junior partner in German government, serving as the CDU/CSU coalition partner from 1966 to 1969, and again from 2009 to 2013. Regardless of their role in German politics, it remains a powerful force in the country.
The question is: what role will Die Linke play in German politics? Will they oppose policies that will pull educated immigrants from poorer countries to richer Germany? Or will they be a force in opposition against policies that will push wages down? If so, which ones will they pursue? And how can progressives best serve their interests in the long run? This is one of the most important questions facing the party. Here are some suggestions for what their role should be.
While the Movement Left (the left-wing faction of the German Social Democratic Party) took over leadership of Die Linke earlier this year, they still lack a revolutionary edge. Their leadership consists largely of union and party bureaucrats and is no different from the other two tendencies in this regard. The Movement Left merely wants to enter a capitalist government, which is a hollow phrase and does nothing to change the fundamental bankruptcy of reformism. The Bremen Die Linke ministers ignore the pressure from below.
In the German system of political representation, interest groups often participate in policy formation and administration. In mid-1980s, the German Federation of Labor held seats on 46 ministry committees and twelve administrative boards. Interest groups also have a large presence in businesses and religions, and their official recognition almost ensures formal representation within the policy process. However, with the growing size of the EU, these groups may need to lobby at the federal level, too.
As an example, the AFL-CIO ran a series of newspaper ads in 2003 attacking Agenda 2010, a reform initiative in Germany. Although the AFL-CIO has not supported Agenda 2010, other unions have. This division among labor organizations has been a contributing factor in the slow pace of economic reform in Germany. But while the AFL-CIO and other unions have opposed Agenda 2010, the other unions are open to reform.
The multi-party system in Germany has a number of benefits. It allows more political engagement in the country's politics. Voter participation in the state of Bavaria, for instance, increased from 63.6% five years ago to 72.4% this election cycle. However, one drawback to this system is that it could lead to a political paralysis - the governing coalitions would likely be comprised of a mix of CDU/CSU, Free Democrats, Greens, and others. In a patchwork government, the chancellorship is weaker, and political participation is likely to be lower, if not non-existent.
As a result, German elections are very different from their American counterparts. Candidates and parties fund their campaigns through the parties and campaign ads focus on the parties and issues. Voters vote for the party they prefer in a "second vote," rather than the individual candidate. Moreover, the German party-centered system means that voters are not left with a choice between two candidates, but are forced to choose between two. In other words, Germans don't have an "alternative reality" in which the only way to govern is through a plethora of parties.
Immigration from Muslim-majority countries
While the Statistisches Bundesamt does not provide data on the religious orientation of the population, one can estimate the number of Muslims living in Germany using data on citizenship. In one study, Matthias Koenig examined the incorporation of Muslims from Muslim-majority countries in France and Great Britain. He mentions a population of 3,040 000 Muslims. This figure includes immigrants from Islamic countries such as Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The German population is already 6.1% Muslim. If all Muslim migration were stopped, the Muslim population in Germany would triple. At that rate, Muslims would comprise 17.5 percent of the population, putting Germany's Muslim population at almost eight million by mid-century. This would make Germany home to more Muslims than any other country in Europe. The average age of a German Muslim is only 31 years old, compared to 37 for non-Muslims.
Germany has a long history of dealing with Muslim immigrants. The German government signed an agreement with Turkey in 1961. Gastarbeiters from Turkey were originally intended to stay for a short time before returning to Turkey. However, many stayed and brought their families with them. In the face of anti-immigration sentiment and questions about the compatibility of Islam and German culture, Germany has largely settled down with the Turkish population.
While there is no doubt that the number of Muslim migrants in Germany is increasing, the anti-Muslim sentiment among the German public is deeply rooted in the country's national identity. The report explores the history of Germany's racial conflicts and the role of immigration in shaping German politics. The report offers an overview of demographic trends and debates, and includes recommendations for countering the prevailing stereotypical beliefs about Islam and Muslims.
In January, a study conducted by the Bertelsmann Stiftung in Germany found that nearly half of the four million Muslims in Germany identify with their country's democracy. At the same time, however, the German population views Muslims with suspicion. A recent survey by Bertelsmann Stiftung revealed that nearly two-thirds of non-Muslim citizens in Germany view Islam as a threat. Sixty percent of Germans do not consider Islam compatible with life in the West. In addition, forty percent of respondents say that they feel like they are strangers in their own country. Meanwhile, one in four people support a ban on Muslim immigration to Germany.
The findings of this study are particularly interesting in that they provide a first empirical contribution to the literature on anti-Muslim sentiment in Germany. The study also provides a better understanding of the rise of right-wing populism in Germany. However, there are a few weaknesses with the study. One of the biggest is the lack of longitudinal data. The study also lacks useful instrumental variables for measuring anti-Muslim sentiment and perceived non-recognition. Further, there is no evidence to support the claim that there is a causal relationship between the two central concepts.